Honesty versus Justice and Due Process versus Crime Control Essay

Honesty versus Justice and Due Process versus Crime Control - Essay Example According to the classic definition of Justice each person should get his or her due. Aristotle more than two thousand years ago defined that "equals should be treated equally and unequals unequally." This fundamental principle has been followed by many nations while developing the laws for their country and countrymen. Our legal system is based on a system of justice. The whole lot from Police to Judiciary and legislature that enacts the laws play a part in the legal system; in fact all have their roles defined in the criminal justice system. As far as honesty is concerned it has been often alleged that it has taken the worst beating within the criminal justice system and judiciary while dispensing justice gives more importance to technicalities than sometimes the truth that though is quite apparent but has no witness to falsify the opposition's claim. This debate has continued for centuries on the trot. It doesn't mean that the system is there for the corrupt and the dishonest. When the leading functionaries within the criminal justice system like the Judges, Police officials are inducted they take an oath to uphold the integrity of their office with all honesty. There are sometimes a few among the flock who bring a bad name to the whole system by manipulating the system to satisfy their narrow e nds, they should be dealt with sternly when their conduct comes to light. The other pillars of the criminal justice system have a role to play. For example it is true that Police can be misused by lodging a false complaint against someone, but if the cops are honest to their duty then there are inbuilt procedures within the system to be followed during the investigation process that can make clear at the first stage itself if the offence alleged is true or not without committing the case to the court. Here at this stage itself sometimes the Investigating officer by being careless and negligent during investigation can book the innocent victim, who later might be honorably acquitted by the court but in the process undergoes a lot of harassment, shaking his faith in the whole system and starts to think that the system is corrupt. The same can be said about the judiciary that follows the rule quite diligently that an innocent must not be punished. Sometimes some overzealous lawyers in order benefit their client's interests manipulate the truth or facts on record to suit their end. But it can be said that lawyers are professionals and they have a work to do. It is their duty to put the facts before the court in the best way possible and then for the court to dispense justice. Generally Lawyers cannot be expected to turn the apostle of peace, honesty and justice when they see there are many loopholes in the prosecution case and they exploit those to the hilt. Technically it can be called dishonesty but as discussed above that it is their job to protect the interests of their client in the best possible manner. Here the burden of upholding the truth is more on the judges and to bring the rules and procedures within the system to their best use so that the truth, honor and honesty is not a victim within the criminal justice system. Within the Criminal justice system and private security 'due process' and 'Crime Control' are given a lot of importance. According to the 'Random House Dictionary

Global Warming Based from Scientific Studies Research Paper - 1

Global Warming Based from Scientific Studies - Research Paper Example Al Gore is better known as a politician than a scientist or environmentalist and this perhaps led him to introduce himself by giving a little background of his education and work experiences, linking him to experts on global warming. Having established himself as a person in authority to discuss the subject matter, Gore proceeds to give the traditional explanation about global warming. He mentions that the atmosphere has a thin layer that traps some infrared radiation which helps regulate the earth’s temperature, making it a livable place. However, with the increase of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere caused by air pollution, that layer is thickened, causing more infrared radiation trapped in the atmosphere which in turn causes higher temperature worldwide (Gore, 2006). (The second paragraph has to be reconstructed and broken down because it seemed that the former paragraph was quite long and had different ideas. Moreover, there were corrections with sentence constructions.) T o add more drama and to hold his viewer’s attention as well as make his argument stronger, Gore presents valid discourses of other people which he further discusses. For instance, he mentions that there is the supposition that the earth is so big and therefore, the fears for global warming are far from possible. He acknowledges this debate but goes on to prove that global warming is as real as the air we breathe. Gore presents facts about the conditions of glaciers a few decades ago in contrast to how they are now by showing old and new pictures of well-known places such as Kilimanjaro, the Italian Alps and Rhone Glacier.

Framework Advocating CSOs Analysis

Framework Advocating CSOs Analysis Take a case of actually existing civil society and critically discuss the extent to which your case has managed to achieve any democratic or developmental progress. Championed as the panacea for development ills under the neoliberal New Policy Agenda (McIllwaine;1998), civil society has become the sweetheart of development donors (Barr, Fafchamps Owens, 2005;659), famed for its ability to incubate participatory development[ma1][ma2]. Civil society is conceptualised as an independent third pillar between state and market, comprising of horizontal networks of associational groups with cross cut ties of kinship and patronage (Putnam, 1993). Within this network, citizens organize to pursue shared interests and influence policy in the public domain (UNDP, 2014). Civil society organisations (CSOs) can embody autonomous or NGO supported community based organisations, or can comprise of NGOs as primary agents of civil society themselves (Mohan, 2002[ma3]). Despite doubt surrounding the classification of NGOs as CSOs (Carmody, 2007), this essay will define NGOs as a variant of CSOs, as their primary purpose is influencing public policy (Edwards Hulme, 1997;24), and are independent from direct government control (UNDP, 2014[ma4][ma5]). Thus, for the reasons outlined, this essay will focus on the Voice2People programme of Christian Aid, an NGO based CSO. Ultimately, this essay will examine the extent to which the normative framework advocating CSOs as the missing middle between citizen and state (World Bank, 1996;114), represents the reality of actually existing civil society (Mamdani, 1996;19). It is in this sense that actually existing civil society is defined as the reality of CSOs in practise as largely dissonant from the normative promised agenda for change (Ibid). By analysing Christian Aids Voice2People programme, this essay will posit that the realities of actually existing civil society are divergent from the normative ideals placed upon it, and thus can achieve little democratic or developmental success. This essay will begin by demonstrating the normative and programmatic qualities perceived as inherent within CSOs, in particular their ability to facilitate participatory development, upon which donor funding is predicated (Igoe Kelsall, 2005). It will then outline the Voice2People programme rolled out by Christian Aid, in relation to the normative characteristics it is perceived to retain. Once the theoretical framework is outlined, this paper will then assess the extent to which these normative ideals diverge from reality of actually existing civil society. By outlining the flaws of the theoretical framework underlying the programme, and the problematic constraints it faced, this essay will conclude by arguing that contrary to normative perceptions, actually existing civil society in the case of the Voice2People programme, can achieve very little democratic or developmental progress. The normative characteristics of civil society organisations However, it is first essential to outline the perceived normative characteristics of CSOs in order to analyse their divergence from the empirical reality of actually existing civil society. These characteristics are normative in the sense they are expected rather than empirically validated. It[ma6][ma7] is also essential to underscore the ideological nature of these characteristics, which dovetail the neoliberal new policy agenda (Robinson, 2003;2) which embraces the democratic development paradigm (Banks, Edwards and Hulme; 2015, 710) in supporting inclusive participation to facilitate development (Mertz, 2012;54). Firstly, neoliberal theory posits CSOs as vehicles through which to build better citizens (Archer, 1994). Civil society is thus perceived as an arena for the cultivation of liberal norms, including participation and market rationality (Williams Young, 2012). CSOs become schools of liberal democracy (Banks, Edwards Hulme, 2015;4) educating citizens to take participate in formulating their own development agenda. Secondly, CSOs are also regarded as key actors in encouraging increased state accountability, as an active civil society enables choice, scrutinises errant governments, and leads to pluralised democracy (Mohan, 2002). CSOs thus demand state accountability to local demands (Suileman, 2013;245) an issue outlined by the Voice2People baseline report (Christian Aid, 2013). In addition, CSOs are also perceived by donors as vital facilitators of democratisation. This is because CSOs are seen to exhibit a pluralising function as they disperse the distribution of political power in s ociety through increasing channels of access (Hadenius Uggla, 1996) what Ndegwa (1996;3) terms the civil society political liberalisation thesis. Additionally, as Przewoski (1992) notes, CSOs also play a constitutive role in defining the rules of state/CSO interaction along democratic lines. Finally, the last perceived function of CSOs is facilitating localised empowerment, so communities can pursue their own development activities either through CSOs or as autonomous politically conscious citizens. This view posits the poor not as beneficiaries, but as controllers of the development process with the means to radically alter their own situation (Clark, 1991;201). However, for the sake of this essay, the above functions will be amalgamated into one role of facilitating participatory development the process through which stakeholders can influence and share control over development initiatives, decisions and resources that affect themselves (Worldbank, 1996b;4). This requires the participation of empowered groups in the design and implementation of development projects, and is dependent on a state open to pluralising the political arena to organisations such as CSOs who can demand accountability on behalf of their members. The[ma8] next section of this essay will outline the Voice2People programme rolled out by Christian Aid, which attempts to facilitate participatory development in Nigeria. A case of actually existing civil society Christian Aids Voice2People programme is a DFID funded programme worth  £2million (DFID, 2016), aiming to facilitate citizen-driven development and increased government accountability in Anambra State, Nigeria (Christian Aid, 2016;2). It is through this programme which aims to influence public development policy, that Christian Aid can be regarded as a CSO in its own right. Prior to the programme, the baseline report suggested that 54% of 1, 535 respondents in the area felt they were not able participate in making demands to state representatives, and that there was no accountability mechanism to ensure state compliance with local needs (Christian Aid, 2013;6-8). Consequently, the Voice2People community based programme utilised two strategies (outlined by Brown and Tandon;1994) in an attempt to rectify this democratic deficit (Warleigh, 2001;1). Firstly, Voice2People employed state reform strategies to secure agreements which guaranteed quarterly community engagement meetings, with the aim to precipitate democratic norms such as state accountability. Secondly, societal programmes such as the use of participatory rural appraisals (PRAs) intended to create community charters of needs, aiming to immerse all levels of community participation in development consultations (Christian Aid, 2016a;8). However, this next section will analyse the theoretical and practical barriers which constrain the Voice2People programme; an example of actually existing civil society (Mamdani, 1996:19); in achieving participatory development. Can Voice2People achieve participatory development? In the donor community, the perceived functions of CSOs are taken as normative and unproblematic. This is concerning as this next section will show, there are various theoretical and practical barriers which constrains actually existing civil society (in this case, the Voice2People programme) to achieving participatory development[ma9]. Theoretical barriers One[ma10] of the first theoretical constraints which limit the Voice2People programme and other CSO work in achieving participatory development, is the problematic dichotomy in which state and CSOs are theorised (Lewis, 2000). CSOs are perceived as autonomous agent able to impose community-formulated demands onto a democratic state. However, it is unwise to conceive civil society as unconstrained by the power of the state, as Hadenius and Uggla (1996) note, CSO inclusion is dependent on regime type, with autocratic regimes opposing CSO engagement due to desire to monopolise the political space (Clark, 1991[ma11]). Therefore, as Stewart (1997) suggests, the presence of CSOs does not instantly facilitate democratic engagement with states. In some cases, inclusion of CSOs into policy consultation is little more than PR to meet the criteria of debt relief. In the case of Voice2Protect, government legislation passed in July 2016 which requires a state-led regulatory body to oversee the wo rk of CSOs (Civicus, 2016), demonstrates the power of the Nigerian state in constraining the work of Voice2People. It is therefore too simplistic to theorise the state and CSOs as independent actors with equal agency in influencing public policy[ma12]. Moreover, it would also be unwise to suggest that even democratic states can adequately address the demands of CSOs, as due to the streamlining and weakening of state under structural adjustment, gridlock can occur, whereby the sheer volume of CSO interests and demands can lead to political impasse (Blair, 1997 in Lewis, 2002). This suggests that Voice2People is unable to achieve participatory development success either due to the constraining power of the state, or through lack of state capacity, notions largely ignored by the theoretical framework. This has led to the critique by some post-colonial scholars, who suggest that civil society as a concept has very little explanatory value for the complexities of African associational life (maia) which can include an autocratic state characterised by big men rule (cite). Therefore, although Voice2People established a working relationship with the House that was formalised with an agreement to hold quarterly meetings with members (Christian Aid, 2016;4), there are no constitutional mechanisms to guarantee the continuation of this interaction, and no clear capacity of the state to meet the demands forwarded by Voice2People. This is further evidenced by the Voice2People progress report which cites that citizens found it difficult to engage government officials si nce the governments lacked the financial power to undertaken any projects (Christian Aid, 2014;6). As well as the problematic dichotomy between state and CSOs, the theoretical underpinnings behind CSO led service provision also limits the extent to which Voice2People can achieve participatory development. Due to their closeness to intended beneficiaries, CSOs are regarded as ideal for replacing waning state services that have been decimated by structural adjustment (Carmody;2007). Empowerment therefore is economic in the liberal sense, as through the participation of contributing funds towards a community service project, one gets to become the controller of their own development. Voice2People utilises this approach to pacify the 46% of respondents who were not happy at allwith the level of state service provision (Christian Aid, 2013;6). Although seemingly locally appropriate, this approach is highly problematic as it reduces the concept of public welfare to mere private provision to the extent that citizens forego their sense of state entitlement (Kamat, 2003;156). CSO service p rovision, no matter how well intentioned, therefore reduces the state to a franchise state (Wood, 1997;1) ultimately unaccountable for the services provided to its citizens through other actors. Community based service provision as utilised by Voice2People therefore achieves very little democratic output, as any state accountability based on service provision is nullified, and replaced by self-dependency. Additionally, this project does little to increase development, as the limited financial accessibility of community funded services, means that the chronic poor seldom partake in this form of neoliberal participation and are thus excluded from accessing vital services. conclude [ma13][ma14] Practical constraints When aiming to facilitate participatory development, one of the practical constraints faced by Voice2Protect is the extent to which it can achieve full participation. In an attempt to facilitate inclusive participationVoice2People liaisons with established community structures (Christian Aid), to create charters of demands which prioritise community development needs (ibid). However, by working through established community structures such as chieftaincies, existing power relations are entrenched and reproduced (white). This new localism which essentialises established structures as microcosms of a homogenous community (mohan) is problematic, as it excludes traditionally ostracised groups from access to civil society participation. Additionally, community participation can also be co-opted by middle class hegemonic groups in a bid to access influences and resources (Mercer and green), often leading to disillusionment amongst the primordial public of traditionalist groups who interven tions aimed to target (Suiliman[ma15]). These issues occurred in the Voice2Project programme, whereby community mobilisation was misconstrued to have political bearings by stakeholders wanting to gain access (cite) and thus exclusive meetings were still utilised to buy-in community leadership for the middle classes(Cite). Conclude On a similar note, for Voice2Protect to achieve full democratic participation, there needs to be greater emphasis on the gendered implications of PRAs and other participatory tools, as some V2P communities are yet to adopt balanced representation in decision making platforms (cite). The time necessary to participate in decision making is problematic, as it reduces the time women dedicate to caregiving roles, therefore impeding female participation (Howell and Milligan[ma16]). This then leads to talking to men about women which is hardly democratic nor will ever understand the gendered development issues facing women as a group (Ardner). Concludeand addmore Additionally, one of the clearest practical factors constraining Voice2Protect in facilitating participatory development, is that contrary to building better citizens (archer), CSOs can often pluralise the political arena for the worst, incorporating the voice of extremist or violent community organisations (Lewis and Kanjii). A pluralised political arena thus legitimises vice as well as virtue (Robinson White, 1998;229), as well as ethnic chauvinism (diamond) as an exercise in liberal democracy. Although this does increase pluralised democratic output (for the better or for worse), such instances could indeed hinder inclusive community development, as can often become a platform for legitimising prejudices or community based structural violence[ma17][ma18][ma19]. more Finally, an additional practical limitation faced by Voice2People, is the problematic mode through which democratic participation is facilitated within its programmes. Ultimately, the Voice2People programme is externally facilitated by an NGO based CSO, unlike programmes led by traditionalist CSOs which arise out of indigenous community structures. This stems from a contradictive paradox of self-help, whereby external NGO based CSOs are deployed to facilitate empowerment in traditionalist settings (Page, 2014). The concern here is, that due to the nature of Voice2People as an external NGO directed programme, true participatory development is constrained as it foregoes the political conscientization necessary for true and sustainable empowerment. Evidently, by using NGO based CSOs as proxies for indigenous organisations[ma20], only artificial low intensity democracy can be achieved (Carmody). This artificial empowerment runs the risk of disintegrating once the NGO based CSO has withdr awn, and is therefore unsustainable and unable to exert continuous pressure for longstanding change. Since the timescale of the Voice2People programme had an end date of March 2016 (Christian Aid, 2016), one can suggest that due to the lack of endogenous indigenous programmes to guarantee democratic output, participatory development progress began to disintegrate after the withdrawal of Christian Aid. This suggests that the dichotomy theorised by Mamdani (1996;19), which bifurcates the normative perceptions of civil society and its actually existing form, is too simplistic to encapsulate the different issues faced by varying CSOs. Through homogenising the realities of all actually existing civil society, the dichotomy ignores the vastly different realities faced by NGO based CSOs in relation to indigenous organisations[ma21]. Conclusion Normative ideals as unattainable clear divergence to the reality fo actually existing civil society [ma1]democratic development paradigm (Banks, Edwards and Hulme; 2015, 710 [ma2]Since democracy is regarded as the requisite political system conducive to growth (Chan, 2002), [ma3]Make all this link a bit more [ma4]Something about beneficiary membership or something about closeness to them [ma5]This will become important later on [ma6]Link these two sections together better [ma7] [ma8]Make sure you notePD as requiring liberally moulded empowered citizen participation and a democratic and accountable state. [ma9]Describe theoretical as motivations beind and practical barriers and issues facing actual formation/methodology [ma10]Maybe link western concept here: universalism of normative ideal does not take into account the authoritarian big man state this suggests it is applicable to western experience only. Miaia Why are we pushing the concept it if has failed in the US (Carmoroff and Carmoroff) [ma11]Mandani state power is in the ability to incorporate [ma12]Conclude: how does this link to participatory development? How does this constrain V2P? [ma13] Moreover, it can also be argued that the envisioned concept of civil society is applicable only to the western experience and thus in reality, can achieve very little democratic or developmental progress elsewhere (Lewis, 2003). In this sense, donor support for CSOs is misguided, as the theoretical framework used to mould civil society in Eastern Europe after the fall of communism, has very little explanatory value for the complexities of African associational life such as the constraining power of tribe and caste (Maina). It also ignores the need of a democratic tradition to perpetuate democratic norms within civil society, as an earlier point states, the presence of CSOs such as Voice2People, does not necessarily equate to democracy. Additionally, the limited western definition of CSOs may lead to duplication of efforts to build civil society where an indigenous form already exists (Uggla). This dissonance of the legitimacy to alternatives to western defined CSOs limits true democr acy due to the monopolisation of the political sphere by one homogenous form of CSO (hearn, 2001). When the wrong kinds of CSO are excluded, how can participatory development occur? (Banks Edwards and Hulme). Actually existing civil society cannot therefore lead to full participatory development, as the attributes of civil society itself, are western and ungeneralizable to the Nigerian case. Link to V2P. conclude [ma14] [ma15]say this too much reword this so it isnt repetitive [ma16]needs to link more [ma17]need an example of V2P and how this is not participatory can prejudices lead to the deliberate exclusion of others in participation the need for monitors has reflected this [ma18]it is in this sense that White cites the possibility of CS impeding democracy by gives rise to a multiplicity of distinct structures of dominance and subordinacy [ma19]find example of this in CA policy doccs [ma20]I can only stress that throughà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ [ma21]add example of this from CA policy docc

The Cuban Revolution Essays -- Pérez-Stable Fidel Castro Ernesto Che G

Understanding the Insurrection and Seizure of Power [1952-1959] Marifeli Pà ©rez-Stable looks back at the Cuban Revolution through a sociological lens in her book The Cuban Revolution. Pà ©rez-Stable claims that Cubans held national independence and social justice as goals ever since the end of the nineteenth century. Radical nationalism remained important in Cubans’ view of themselves and their ideals. Thus, Pà ©rez-Stable argues that the origins of the Cuban Revolution of 1959 lie in the independence movement against Spain and the frustrations from the unfulfilled goals they had kept since before the turn of the century (Pà ©rez-Stable 1998, p 4). In the introduction of The Cuban Revolution, the author lists six factors which made Cuba "susceptible" to radical revolution (it is interesting to note that Pà ©rez-Stable is essentially giving no credit to the 26th of July Movement and Castro, but rather she is noting how the Cuban society was susceptible to revolution). The six factors listed are: mediated sovereignty, sugar-centered development, uneven modernization, the crisis of political authority, the weakness of the clases econà ³micas, and the relative strength of the clases populares (Pà ©rez-Stable, p 7). The vicious circle with the U.S. and sugar plays a big role in the situation and in the 1950’s. As Pà ©rez-Stable points out, without sugar there could be no Cuba, but there is no benefits to sugar without the U.S. market. The importance of social classes was also paramount, especially the unionized working class. On a more political level, Pà ©rez-Stable discusses the anti-Platt politics and the implications of the Constitution of 1940. According to Pà ©rez-Stable, "The Constitution of 1940 reestablished democracy and r... ...tions that may have weakened or slowed its progress. The revolutionary government of Grau San Martà ­n was a good example of how too many unions during the rise of a movement starts to be counterproductive. The coalition formed under Grau San Martà ­n never succeeded, in part, because nobody in the coalition was fully satisfied. The left never felt that Grau was radical enough, and the influence from the right eventually swayed Grau in their direction. In both 1933 and 1959, the communists wanted a "full" revolution, and thanks to the Castro’s narrow revolution strategy, a full revolution succeeded. The small nature of the revolution allowed Castro to direct it exactly as he wanted to, and to avoid allies slowing him down. During this time, Castro and his barbudos were able to win over many peasants and urban people alike, and eventually gain the support of the nation.

Compare the suitability of Greenfield and Brownfield sites for housing development

A) Compare the suitability of Greenfield and Brownfield sites for housing development If new homes were built, then some would be in rural areas and some in the cities. There are major arguments over the proportion of the new households that should be in cities, rural areas, villages and towns. This has become the debate other whether new homes should be on Greenfield or Brownfield land, which are vague terms. Brownfield land is sometimes used to refer to land in urban areas. A more narrow definition is land urban areas that have been previously developed often for industry, offices and housing. Some Brownfield sites will have been cleared of old building, others will not. Brownfield land can be found in both major cities and small towns. Greenfield land is land that has never been developed and includes wasteland that no one ever wanted to build on, protected areas such as the green belt, and parks, golf courses and playing fields. There is both rural Greenfield land and urban Greenfield land. It is not the same as greenbelt land. The target set by the Government is for 60% of new houses to be on Brownfield land. Countryside and environmental organisations have argued the figure should be nearer 75%. The Urban Task Force, established in 1998 by the government argued that the 60% target would not be met for 3 reasons: there is a mismatch between where land is available (northern England) and where pressure for housing is the greatest (south east England); too much Greenfield land is already allocated for housing; the supply for Brownfield land is quite limited, sometimes in undesirable locations and often as high development costs due to clearing old buildings and contamination. Those who support a high proportion of new houses on urban Brownfield sites claim that it has economic, social and environmental benefits. Urban residents will be near to work and leisure activities will be able to use public transport, this would mean less car-related energy use and pollution. Brownfield development would protect rural lifestyles and the countryside and increase in car use would be averted. Arguments for building on rural Greenfield sites claim that land is usually cheaper to develop in rural areas because it has not been built on before. There is still plenty of rural land. In 1991, only 10.6% of land in England was in urban use and if development patterns continued as they have done then this figure would rise to only 11.9% by 2016. Much agricultural land is doing nothing. In 1995, 545,000 hectares of farming land (5.8% of the total) were set aside and receiving European Union subsidy. Also many farmers are experiencing difficulties, 60,000 farming jobs have been lost in the last decade. People want to live in environmentally pleasant rural areas because they have less pollution, crime and noise. This includes many of the new households that will be single person households, such as divorced people with children and widowers, many of whom will not want to live in densely populated cities. B) What are the consequences of re-urbanisation in Brighton and Hove and to what extent has this resulted in gentrification. Examples of gentrification have been shown in the consequences of Brighton and Hove's re urbanisation. Gentrification is the process where by sustained buildings in an inner area of a city are bought and improved to become homes for the middle class and wealthy. This has occurred in a number of areas in Brighton and Hove. An example of the renovation of Brighton and Hove is shown at City College in Richmond Terrace, where the windows have been designed with ‘stained' glass. Previous windows had suffered deterioration through lack of maintenance and investment since the 1960's. The main cause of this deterioration was due to the fact that the Richmond Terrace site had very little money to pay for repairs and maintenance for the windows as not many students were taking up the science and engineering courses the site had to offer. This was mainly due to the fact that there was a reduction in apprenticeship schemes. This eventually led to the abandonment of the site. Amenities and other additions made the redevelopment of the site a costly process. However, this was helped by private investments. One and two bedroom apartments have been created within the college and the prices for these starts at around à ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ½200,000. Since the re urbanisation of Brighton and Hove, many sites, like Richmond Terrace, have been recognised as having potential for gentrification. The modernisation of houses in Pelham Square within the North Laine area is another example. These run-down terrace houses now accommodate the wealthy. Private homeowners have gentrified them with no direct intervention from the Council. Gentrification also occurred after the Argus offices re-located out of this zone to an industrial estate. The building was left empty before a major fire in the winter of 1999/2000; this led to it becoming derelict. However, this has now led to it becoming an area of high status designer homes. Although to a large extent Brighton and Hove's re urbanisation has resulted in gentrification, there have been other consequences. The renovation of the North Laine area has been sensitive to preserve its character, an example of which is the improvement made to the Sydney Street. The narrow street has been made a one-way thoroughfare so less traffic passes through. It also has a widened pavement to accommodate for pedestrians and has been repaved. There are also sections of raised road to slow cars, and bollards have been erected to discourage parking on the pavements thereby making the street more pleasant. Brighton and Hove has received Single Regeneration Budget funding from the government for urban improvement because the council has proved to be effective in this area, this funding is also there because the area has been recognized as having a relatively high incidence of social problems and unemployment. To gain this funding, the council must locate matched investment, thus contributing to Brighton and Hove's re urbanisation and revitalisation as ‘the place to be'.

Explain The 5 Marketing concepts Essay

Firms and businesses, approach and conduct business in different ways in order to achieve their organizational goals. There are five competing concepts by which firms and business are guided in their marketing effort. The first three concepts production, product and selling, focus all on the product. The last two concepts marketing and societal marketing, focus on the customer. However, the commonality in all five philosophies is that they all have the same goal which is organizational profit. The choice as to which concept or philosophy to adopt depends on the circumstances of the situation The first concept, the production concept, is the philosophy that consumers will favour products that are available and highly affordable. This philosophy states that any amount of goods produced will sell if it is available and affordable to customers. When firms adopt this concept, generally they produce goods on a mass production level, to be able to produce large quantities, therefore make it more available; investing in technology is essential, to reduce the costs of production and make it more affordable. In such case the management is required to focus mostly on improving the production and distribution of a particular product. The production concept can be an appropriate philosophy in two types of situations: The first one is where the demand for a product exceeds the supply. Here the management should concentrate on finding ways to increase production. The second situation is where the product’s cost is too high and therefore improved productivity is needed to bring it down. A disadvantage of the production concept, is that firms which employ this concept risk to lose sight of what the customers really want. The product concept holds that consumers will favor those products that offer the most quality, performance, and features, and therefore the organization should devote its energy to making continuous product improvements. Firms adapting this concept believe that customers are attracted to products which are very efficient and therefore the management emphasizes on adding and  building more value on a product. This concept holds that if one manages to produce the best product it will sell it self easily. A disadvantage of this concept is that firms adopting the product concept, tend to focus too much on the product and this can lead to marketing myopia. Buyers might be looking for a better solution to a problem, but not necessarily a better product in that category. The selling concept states the idea that consumers will not buy enough of the product unless the firm undertakes a large-scale of selling and promotional effort. Firms adopting this philosophy do not produce goods and services in line with people’s need and wants because they try to create demand for that particular product themselves. This task involves investing a lot in advertising and selling because this concept states that demand will be generated by doing so. This requires a good sales force, and firms to perfect various sales techniques to track down prospects and hard-sell them on the benefits of their product. The selling concept is generally practiced with unsought goods, such as insurance, encyclopedias, and funeral plots. A situation in which the selling concept is typically adopted is, when firms have overproduction, and try to sell what they have rather than what people want. A disadvantage of the selling concept is that by adopting this concept, firms mainly aim to get the sale and do not bother about any post-purchase satisfaction. This carries high risks, if customers are not satisfied, relationships are not created and therefore they are not inclined to make other purchases. The marketing concept is the philosophy that holds that achieving organizational goals depends on determining the needs and wants of target markets and delivering the desired satisfaction more effectively and efficiently than others do. Firms practicing the marketing concept, start from the customer, by targeting a specific market and determining its needs and wants through market research. Products and services are than developed accordingly with the market’s demand through integrated marketing. In the  marketing concept profit is generated through building long-term relationships with customers, by delivering superior value and satisfaction. The focus of management is on the customer’s ultimate satisfaction. Hence, while the selling concept takes an inside-out perspective, the marketing concept takes an outside-in perspective. The selling concept focuses on the needs of the seller whilst the marketing concept focuses on the needs of the buyer. The Selling concept’s aim is to convert the product into cash. On the other hand the marketing concept aims to satisfy the needs of the customer by means of the product and the whole process associated with creating, delivering and finally consuming it. A disadvantage of the marketing philosophy is that this concept must be based on a long-term process and profits are realised in the long run. Also firms adopting this concept must invest a lot financially, in conducting research and in building relationships with their customers. The fifth concept, the societal marketing concept is the newest concept. It holds that the organization’s task is to determine the needs, wants, and interests of target markets and to deliver the desired satisfactions more effectively and efficiently than competitors in a way that it maintains and improves the consumer’s and the society’s well-being. The societal marketing concept is similar to the marketing concept, except that it also takes into consideration the society’s well-being. This concept was developed in a time where society began to question if the marketing concept was adequate in the face of worldwide environmental problems, resource shortages, and other social problems. Firms adopting the societal marketing concept believe that consumers will respond more favourably to companies which are socially responsible and react unfavourably to companies which they feel are not socially responsible. This gives socially-responsible companies a competitive edge over their competitors. The disadvantages of the societal marketing concept are the same disadvantages of the marketing concept, with the exception that this concept involves more extra costs with regards to the well being of society.